Sub-theme 45: Moral Markets: Actors, Meanings, and Institutions
Call for Papers
Over the past couple of decades, a robust literature has emerged on the creation of new, more morally oriented markets
and kinds of organizations (e.g., Georgallis & Lee, 2019; McInerney, 2014; Pacheco et al., 2014; Schneiberg & Lounsbury,
2017, Sine & Lee, 2009, Vasi and King, 2011; Weber et al., 2008). Moral markets such as renewable energy, fair trade goods,
socially responsible investment, organic products, and plant-based meat alternatives, emerged at least partly to provide market
solutions to societal challenges, and thus they are often evaluated or promoted on the basis of normative/moral attributes
(Arjalies & Durand, 2019; Dubuisson-Quellier, 2013). Literature on moral markets has sought to understand how, and to
what extent, social movements have been able to infuse economic activity with values other than wealth creation (e.g., Schiller-Merkens
& Balsiger, 2019; Fourcade & Healy, 2007). Such moral value infusion is a particularly difficult challenge because
the construction of markets entails embracing market logics that value efficiency and wealth, which, in turn, tend to foster
conservative goal transformation (Zald, 1966) and co-optation (Selznick, 1949).
These difficulties notwithstanding,
moral markets have the potential to address societal challenges such as inequality, climate change, or poor working conditions
(Ferraro et al., 2015; Georgallis & Lee, 2019). Thus, it is paramount to understand the actors, meanings, and institutions
that support moral markets. Organizational research has addressed some of these questions, albeit not always in a systematic
manner.
First, observing that adoption patterns in moral markets cannot be simply reduced
to technical and economic feasibility (Lounsbury, 2001; Sine & Lee, 2009), organizational theorists have depicted moral
markets as outcomes of bottom-up collective action involving ideologically motivated actors. Several studies show that social
movement organizations or other market mediators instigated the formation of moral markets by inciting producers’ interest,
stimulating demand among conscious consumers, or by facilitating mutual action and market exchange. For example, environmental
groups encouraged entrepreneurial and corporate entry in the renewable energy sector (Durand & Georgallis, 2019; Sine
& Lee, 2009); non-governmental organizations spurred demand for fair trade products (Jaffee & Howard, 2010); and certification
intermediaries were instrumental in stimulating collective action in the organic food market (Lee, 2009; Lee et al., 2017).
However, the literature has attended much less to the role of consumers and other actors that enable moral markets to function
and drive ongoing change after early struggles to attain legitimacy.
Second, some studies
have focused on the meanings and framing practices that are deployed in these market arenas. For instance, Weber, Heinze and
DeSoucey (2008) found that the grass-fed meat and dairy product market relied on activists’ mobilization of cultural codes
around authenticity, naturalness, and sustainability that supplied a vocabulary of motives and offered shared meaning for
producers and consumers. Other work has emphasized the narratives and frames used to support recycling practices (Lounsbury
et al., 2003); the political dynamics that underlie contestation between corporations and civil society in the framing of
sustainable coffee (Levy et al., 2015); battles over market meaning in the biodiesel market (Hiatt & Carlos, 2019); or
visual framing tactics used to define ethical fashion (Blanchet, 2018). This work has only begun to scratch the surface on
the sources and consequences of meaning making in moral markets.
Third, although institutions
that support moral markets have received some attention (Georgallis et al., 2019; Sine et al., 2005), this literature dovetails
with a variety of scholarly efforts to uncover how market logics are twined to logics related to community and societal welfare
in the context of social entrepreneurship and hybrid organizing (e.g., Battilana & Dorado, 2010; Battilana & Lee,
2014; Mair et al., 2012; Smith & Besharov, 2019; Zhao & Lounsbury, 2016). Since the goals associated with market logics
(e.g. efficiency and profit) are often perceived to conflict with logics that valorize social good, community welfare, and
sustainability, the twining of such logics generates problems associated with institutional complexity that require ongoing
attention (Greenwood et al., 2011; Thornton et al., 2012). The tension associated with institutional complexity plays itself
out not only in the structuration of producers, but also affects consumers and regulatory dynamics (Georgallis et al., 2019;
Markard et al., 2012). More effort is required to bridge the literatures on moral markets with those on institutional complexity
and hybrid organizing.
The goal of this sub-theme is to provide the opportunity for organizational scholars
to take stock of what is known and to then advance our understanding of the dynamics of moral markets by contributing to our
understanding of actors, meanings and institutions, by forming links between these different approaches, or by exploring underrepresented
topics. Aligned with the focus of the 37th EGOS Colloquium 2021 on inclusiveness, we are open to a variety of epistemological,
theoretical, and methodological approaches to the study of moral markets. We particularly encourage attempts for integration
that foster a more comprehensive dialogue among organizational scholars studying moral markets from different perspectives.
Potential topics and questions that papers may address include, but are not limited to, the following:
What role does motivation play in moral markets? Does the presence of actors with different motives (e.g., ideological vs. profit-seeking) help or hinder the development of moral markets?
Do the competitive dynamics that underlie these sectors differ from those of conventional markets?
What are the sources of meaning within moral markets, and what drives variation in how these markets are perceived by external audiences?
What is the role of identity, power, and conflict in these settings?
How do moral market entrepreneurs navigate extant institutional configurations, and how do they deal with competing institutional logics?
What are the challenges, opportunities, and trade-offs associated with the mainstreaming of moral markets?
How are the values of social movements maintained as moral markets become established and scale via the entry, for example, of large, established incumbents?
What enabling conditions allow moral markets to diffuse across national contexts, and what are the circumstances that inhibit diffusion?
How do moral markets and the institutions that support them (co-)evolve over time?
How do moral markets spawn new social movement activism or give rise to new kinds of moral markets or moral market segments?
References
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